Number 17, February 1997
The material that follows has been provided by
Overseas Development Institute
SCALING UP PARTICIPATORY WATERSHED DEVELOPMENT IN INDIA:
LESSONS FROM THE INDO-GERMAN WATERSHED DEVELOPMENT
PROGRAMME
John Farrington and Crispino Lobo
For several years prior to the full start-up of the Indo-German
Watershed Development Programme (IGWDP), its architects
were driven by one principal concern: that participatory watershed
development should be replicable over wide areas. This
stimulated the close engagement of stakeholders at international,
national, district and local levels, and the creation of
confluences of interest (and corresponding checks and balances)
within and across these levels. It has also generated a
technically sound but participatory watershed planning methodology, a
coherent transition from capacity building to full-scale
implementation within watersheds, and a practical framework for
field-level collaboration among NGOs, community-based
organisations and government departments. The Programme currently
covers 92,000 ha of private and other land in 20
districts in Maharashtra, involving 50 NGOs working in 74 watersheds.
It is set to expand within Maharashtra as new NGOs
register themselves some growing from village groups in successful
watersheds and to other States through a system of
franchising.
Policy conclusions
Cases of participatory microwatershed management especially
those managed by NGOs are becoming abundant. Yet,
almost without exception, they are very small in scale and can
be expanded only by repeating the same slow, costly, in-
depth techniques in successive villages.
By contrast, many government-sponsored approaches have expanded
rapidly, but often lack the local ownership and
group coherence necessary for sustainable management of the
common pool components of watersheds.
If approaches to micro-watershed rehabilitation are to be
participatory and rapidly replicable, then the preconditions for
scaling up have to be identified and introduced into the design
of projects and programmes.
These preconditions include:
- the close engagement of stakeholders, and marshalling of
political support, at international, national, state and subsequently
district and local levels, and the creation of confluences
of interest (and corresponding checks and balances) within and
between levels;
- the creation of a local watershed planning methodology
which is technically defensible to funding agencies yet is participatory
and accessible to community-based organisations (CBOs); the
provision of appropriate capacity building and technical support
to these;
- the existence of a framework for local-level collaboration
among NGOs, CBOs and government departments, including the
setting of preconditions for NGOs and CBOs to join the
Programme;
- the creation of mechanisms which channel funds to local
organisations with as few intermediate stages as possible; some
authority by these to contract-in services, especially
training;
- the existence of a mechanism for promoting the approach
across major political and administrative boundaries.
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Microwatershed development in India
Approximately 170m ha in India are classified as degraded
land, the majority falling in undulating semi-arid areas where
rainfed farming is practised. Growing efforts to reverse this
decline currently attracting disbursements from the
Government of India alone of some US $300m/yr are based
on interventions at the microwatershed level (approximately
500 1500 ha) aiming at integrated improvement of all
categories of land within the watershed. Hitherto, such efforts
have been sharply polarised between the highly participatory
and apparently productive and sustainable approaches
typically championed by NGOs, and the approaches of some
government departments characterised by wide coverage, and
an emphasis on physical planning. In many cases, the latter
exhibit low accountability to intended beneficiaries and
insufficient local participation to ensure sustainability. The
former are claimed to require long-term face-to-face joint
learning', have high costs per beneficiary, are less significant
in area terms (under 1% of treated watersheds) than the
rhetoric surrounding them suggests, and, it can be argued,
offer few lessons for wider scale implementation. A recent
review of six such projects in India supported by the Ford
Foundation concluded that, despite periods of NGO support
to local communities ranging from seven to 12 years ... the
social organisations or community groups involved do not
appear to have reached the stage yet where external support
whether operational or institutional' is no longer
required' (Sinha and Sinha (eds) (1996) p.139)
This paper describes one approach the Indo-German
Watershed Development Programme (IGWDP) which has
explicitly attempted to make participatory watershed
development replicable over wide areas.
Background: origins of IGWDP's approach
Many of the concepts underlying the IGWDP were developed
in the late 1980s at the Social Centre founded in 1968 by a
Jesuit priest, Hermann Bacher, in Ahmednagar, Maharashtra.
In 1988, the Social Centre began its first watershed work in
Pimpalgaon Wagha, a village of 840 ha and some 880
population. Preparations for the first Phase of the IGWDP
began in parallel in 1989, and the successful rehabilitation of
this watershed by 1994 (Lobo and Kochendšrfer-Lucius, 1995)
generated many of the local-level ingredients that the IGWDP
began to incorporate. These included:
- social mobilisation in the village and support from an
external agency in setting up a Village Watershed
Committee (VWC) which then became the executing
agency for the project;
- the stimulation of confidence and ownership' among
villagers through their participation in the design and
implementation of watershed improvements;
- an inflow of external funds, especially in the form of
wages, to stimulate the involvement of those whose
livelihoods depend on common pool resources;
- links with government departments from the outset to
provide technical guidance, especially in Forest
Department land where many common pool resources
(e.g. fodder and trees) are located;
- training via the agricultural universities;
- credit from the banks for agricultural, livestock and non-
agricultural activities;
- limits on the period of involvement of external support
agencies such as the Social Centre.
- a strategy to allow each partner (VWC, government
departments, agricultural universities) autonomy in their
sphere of competence, while ensuring joint responsibility
for successful project management;
- a strategy to manage social tensions which allowed the
legitimate interests of dominant groups to be met only if
those of the weaker groups were also met.
The principal economic gains by 1994 at Pimpalgaon
Wagha included: a doubling of crop production; a ten-fold
increase in milk production; year-round availability of
drinking water; the creation of employment opportunities for
landless labour over nine months of the year; diversification
of the village economy into artisanal and other activities.
Social gains included: active involvement of backward classes
in the VWC and in village events; confidence among the
villagers to approach banks etc directly; registration of the
VWC as a public trust for the maintenance of physical
structures, and the accumulation of its own development
fund; and the growth of purpose-oriented groups among
village women.
One significant factor is that, as a result of experience in
Pimpalgaon Wagha, motivation and organisation of a village
now takes around six months instead of the 12 18 months
formerly required. The success of work in Pimpalgaon Wagha
and two other villages was also instrumental in obtaining
support from the Government of Maharashtra (GoM) in the
form of a Cabinet Resolution extending political,
administrative and technical support to NGOs and
community-based organisations (CBOs) involved in
watershed development under the IGWDP. GoM's agreement
to implement Joint Forest Management arrangements on a
watershed basis with NGOs and CBOs can also be traced in
part to the success in these three villages.
Box 1. The need for an evolving relationship between village
organisations and the organs of civil society
During a field visit to village X two issues came to light which
underline the need for village institutions to evolve.
One is that party politics potentially undermine village unity.
This was clearly illustrated in recent local elections when one party,
in order to gain the votes of those whose livelihoods were more
dependent on herding than on agriculture, promised that it would
override the village s ban on uncontrolled grazing which had been
introduced as a condition of joining the IGWDP. Those who had
already benefited substantially from the improved regulation of water
flows, and higher water tables under the project (ie
predominantly those concerned with agriculture) were strongly opposed
to this, and so the seeds of polarisation were sown. In the
event, the ban on grazing was upheld, though only after considerable
dispute.
The second concerns the capacity of village institutions to
enforce agreements over common resource management. This came
to light starkly in the same village, whose regulatory institutions
(VWC and FPC) have had time to mature. Even so, they were placed
under strain by an unusual case in which farmer A, a senior member of
the VWC, was found to be grazing livestock on common
land. It was agreed that, as a relatively wealthy farmer, he should
face a fine of Rs500. He agreed to pay, but only after the harvest
several months later, to alleviate cash flow problems. This was
agreed. However, in the meantime, another farmer (B) in the village
had been found committing the same offence, but on a smaller scale,
and a fine of Rs100 was imposed. Farmer A, as member of
the VWC, insisted that an example should be made of B by bringing in
the authorities, and extracted a confession from B. By taking
this course, farmer A was seeking to achieve two aims: first, to
undermine the solidarity of village institutions such as the VWC (as
a wealthy farmer, he felt that he would have much to gain by opting
out of agreements on shared rights and responsibilities), and,
second, to distract attention from the fine which he had incurred in
the hope that it might be dropped.
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Background: vision and scope
A recent paper from the IGWDP sets out a basic precondition
for successful scaling up:
Upscaling individual success stories to a large scale
Programme calls for a perspective of macro-management
which at the same time has to be rooted in and be
responsive to the micro-level. Unless there is a continuous
and enabling cooperation between the key sectors and
actors such a process would be bound to get unstuck, thus
seriously jeopardising sustainability as well as
replicability.' (Lobo, 1996: 5)
A tenet of the IGWDP is that scaling up cannot take place
without a long-term vision of what constitutes permanent
improvement in the conditions of the intended beneficiaries
in this case the rural poor deriving livelihoods from aspects
of Renewable Natural Resources (RNR) management within
a micro watershed context.
In a nutshell, improvements in the efficiency, equity,
stability and sustainability of production deriving from RNR
form only one part of this vision in the case of the IGWDP:
in many respects a more important part is the sustainable
strengthening of the capacity of people at local level to draw
on the organs of civil society in order to meet their diverse
needs, including those related to the management of
watersheds. Furthermore, access to and the management of
land and water resources involve essentially political
questions both within villages and between local people and
various levels of the administration. For both of these
reasons, progress towards this vision cannot be made by
reliance on local-level resources alone: government provides
not only services related to the management of RNR, but also
much of the fabric necessary for the functioning of civil
society (in the form of legal and administrative systems), and
local organisations have to engage with government in order
to draw on this fabric and these services in ways which meet
their needs.
The IGWDP argues that progress towards this vision needs
to be evolutionary: it requires the careful development of
good relations on many sides simultaneously, the building on
success wherever it occurs, and acceptance of frequent
setbacks. Box 1 illustrates the types of difficulty faced. Boxes
2 and 3 present examples of the successes that have been
achieved in improving technical and administrative
procedures.
In these respects, the IGWDP shares many of the elements
of people-centred development' philosophies characteristic
of NGOs. But it differs from the philosophy of NGOs in five
important respects:
- it sees a smaller role than do many NGOs for autonomous
local development depending purely on the resources of
CBOs or service-providing NGOs;
- conversely, it sees a need for government organisations at
several levels to be intimately engaged in the processes of
change;
- it emphasises the importance of introducing appropriate
technical skills from outside: indigenous knowledge and
practices are important, but have to be supplemented by
modern techniques and management practices for
substantive impact;
- whilst it recognises the strengths of NGOs in social
mobilisation, it also recognises their weaknesses in
technical matters. Preconditions for participation by NGOs
in the programme include willingness to accept certain
types of training and to work with government
organisations (see Box 4);
- it does not allow the prospects of scaling up to be
undermined by some notion of an ideal' CBO which can
only be achieved through intensive, long-term focus on a
narrow geographical area such as one or two villages.
Box 2. Supporting innovation in the public sector
The Divisional Forest Officer (DFO) in one of the IGWDP districts had
for a number of years been experimenting with different types
of soil and water conservation measures on DoF land primarily to
enhance the survival rate of trees planted. He had eventually found
that Continuous Contour Terraces (CCT), combined with refilling of
the terraces using soil gathered from above met survival and soil
conservation objectives better than the Staggered Terraces which
formed the standard practice of the Forestry Department. However,
his efforts to introduce these where he was then working were met
with initial scepticism from the DoF. When the IGWDP began
to work with this officer in the Ahmednagar district to which he had
moved, it decided to try the methods he had been advocating.
The Programme feels that its decision has been vindicated: after two
years the survival rates under CCT average over 90%, much
higher than survival rates under conventional practice, despite the
poor rainfall during the period.
The Programme s commitment to working with the public sector
facilitated experimentation with new techniques within the
Forestry Department, while at the same time allowing information on
their potential to be disseminated through the mass media.
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Synergies among individual programme
components
An underlying concept of the programme has been the
stimulation of confluences of interests among different
stakeholders, and the search for corresponding checks and
balances. This is done at international, national, state, district
and local levels.
At the international level, the Programme receives funds
from two distinct organisations under the German Ministry of
Economic Cooperation, both of which have an interest in
seeing the Programme succeed: the German Development
Bank (Kreditanstalt fŸr Wiederaufbau) provides funds to the
Indian National Bank for Agricultural and Rural Development
(NABARD) at national level, which is then responsible for
disbursing funds for the Full-Scale Implementation Phase (FIP
four years) to local-level agencies (see below) according to
agreed norms. The FIP is preceded by a 12 18 month
Capacity Building Phase (CBP) funded through the Watershed
Organisation Trust (WOTR see below) by German
Technical Cooperation (Deutsche Gesellschaft fŸr technische
Zusammenarbeit GtZ).
At the national level, the principal stakeholders are the
Ministry of Finance (via NABARD) and the Ministry of
Agriculture. The Ministry of Finance is ultimately responsible
for the disbursement of funds, but the Ministry of Agriculture
is keen to see development of watersheds on the ground and
is not without influence. There are several advantages of
channelling the funds through NABARD:
- NABARD brings an interest by central government in the
performance of the Programme;
- NABARD has an interest in raising the repayment rates it
has achieved historically in rainfed farming areas, and so
can be expected to commit itself to the success of the
Programme;
- individual NGOs and Village Watershed Committees can
receive foreign funds channelled through NABARD
without having to go through the complexities of
obtaining Foreign Exchange Registration.
- several dozen NABARD staff have technical qualifications
in subjects broadly related to agriculture and natural
resource management. They feel comfortable discussing
technical issues with officials of eg the Forestry or
Agriculture Departments, and, in turn, command the
respect of the technical staff in these Departments.
- procedures developed with and through NABARD for the
disbursal of foreign funds in this way will lend themselves
to any subsequent disbursal of GoI funds.
At the state level, the principal stakeholders are the
Departments of Agriculture, Soil and Water Conservation and
Forestry. Ministers overseeing these Departments successfully
promoted a Cabinet Resolution in 1992 in support of the
Programme. This has been a key move in facilitating
supportive action by line Department staff.
Box 3. Forging agreement among government
organisations
The Programme has obtained the agreement of NABARD that the staff
vetting the submissions and proposals from villages and NGOs
for the Full Scale Implementation Phase (FIP) should be drawn from a
defined cadre and not from the pool of NABARD technical
staff. This enhances the prospects of constructive interaction
between NABARD, WOTR, the Programme Coordinator and the Line
Departments involved at field level (Agriculture, Soil and Water
Conservation, and Forestry). The benefits of this approach were
highlighted in a meeting observed by the authors in November 1996 in
which staff from all four organisations discussed the norms
and procedures to be applied in the forestry aspects of FIP proposals
from 16 villages. The District Forestry Officer, who hosted the
meeting, explained that the Continuous Contour Terraces (CCT) that he
intended to use in the villages involved some departure from
standard DoF practice, but could be achieved within the cost norms
agreed between the DoF and the Programme. Following
agreement over the technical details of the CCT approach to be used,
the discussion turned to the ways in which the intended JFM
agreement with the village and supporting NGO was likely to influence
costing levels. Agreement was quickly reached that the
standard DoF watch and ward and inspection path provisions could
be removed, since these were now the responsibility of the
FPC. It was also agreed that the standard per hectare charge for a
raingauge could be deleted from the costings, since the Programme
would maintain raingauges in each of the villages.
The most complex issue on the agenda was the lack of
synchronisation between DoF procedures, under which the interventions
in any one site would conventionally be phased over four years (ten
years was foreseen under the GoM Resolution on JFM of 16
March 1992), and the requirement of the funders of the Programme that
all disbursements should be completed before the end of
the current Programme, i.e. in four years time. But to start all DoF
work in the current year in order to meet the deadline would
be logistically infeasible, not least because the DoF would have to
time its work outside the agricultural seasons in order to meet
its obligation to use village labour. After some discussion, a
complex but feasible formula of draw-down of funds and reporting on
work completed was agreed to allow obligations to be met within the
specified time-frame.
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At the local level, during the CBP, the village assembly
(Gram Sabha) nominates a Village Watershed Committee,
which in matters relating to Forest Department lands in the
village works together with the Forest Protection Committee
(see below). During the CBP, funds are channelled via WOTR
into the NGO's bank account, and the NGO is then
responsible for contracting a civil engineer (diploma level) to
help in drafting the watershed development plan, together
with the villagers themselves, based on net area techniques
(see Box 4). The engineer is provided with training in
participatory net-based planning by staff of WOTR. Towards
the end of the CBP, the draft proposal is considered by the
VWC and submitted to NABARD. If approved, funds for the
FIP are channelled into a bank account operated jointly by
the NGO and the VWC. WOTR provides on-going support
during the FIP, and NABARD and the Programme
Coordinator are responsible for monitoring and supervision.
Management costs go direct to the NGO, whereas project
funds go to the joint account of the VWC and the NGO. The
expectation is that the role of NGOs will diminish over time
as that of local-level membership organisations becomes
stronger. Once the rehabilitation works are complete, half of
the 16% contribution made by the village to the cost of
unskilled labour is returned to the VWC to form the core of
a Maintenance Fund.
As a Coordinating and Technical Service Organisation,
WOTR also provides technical and managerial training
support, and puts the NGOs and CBOs in contact with the
line Departments of GoM. Through its Regional Resource
Centres, WOTR also monitors progress with, for instance, the
physical work on small portions of the watershed, conducted
as hands-on' capacity building during the CBP. During the
CBP, villagers and the supporting NGO are provided with
training in technical skills corresponding with the individual
components of watershed development, namely:
Soil and land management;
Water management;
Crop management;
Afforestation;
Pasture/fodder development;
Livestock management;
Rural energy management;
other farm and non-farm activities;
Community development.
These include, for instance, skills in surveying, staking, and
nursery raising. They are also trained in skills in interpersonal
relations, social mobilisation and the management of village-
based organisations. Much of the training is given in the
practical context of rehabilitation of a part (typically around
10%) of the watershed. Funds supplied by NABARD to WOTR
provide for a Disposition Fund, which acts as a bridging fund
so that in those watersheds where FIP has been approved,
work can go ahead without waiting for formal procedures to
be completed by NABARD.
Funds provided in both CBP and FIP of the Programme
are provided as a grant. Funds can be used for: promotion
and training costs, including cross-visits to other projects;
costs of project preparation, and the costs of hiring technical
specialists where necessary; project implementation measures,
such as afforestation, pasture development, dryland
horticulture and soil and water conservation structures;
personnel, equipment and transport, as well as other
overheads of the NGOs involved in project preparation and
implementation; a limited contribution to a fund for
maintaining the measures introduced. To take full advantage
of the soil and water conservation measures to be introduced,
farmers are expected to obtain loans or invest their own
funds in downstream improvements in, for instance, dairy
production, horticulture, wells and new crop varieties.
Roles of other organisations and individuals
The Programme Coordinator is responsible for
communication on matters of policy with and among
different agencies: the NGOs, NABARD, WOTR and
Government organisations. The Coordinator also responds to
emerging problems among the NGOs and VWCs. Along with
NABARD and WOTR, the Coordinator is involved in selecting
new NGOs and watershed projects, in helping NGOs and
villagers in improving their skills, and in project monitoring.
The Coordinator is also a member of the Project Sanctioning
Committee, and acts as the common link between capacity
building and full implementation stages.
The Project Sanctioning Committee has the mandate to
develop standard criteria for selecting NGOs and projects to
be included in the Programme. It also considers NGO
applications and project proposals. The PSC is headed by
NABARD, and in addition comprises four representatives of
NGOs, the Programme Coordinator, three representatives of
the GoM, a representative of the national Ministry of
Agriculture, and special invitees where appropriate.
WOTR the Watershed Organisation Trust is a support
organisation for NGOs and CBOs established in December
1993. It is also the institutional base of the Programme
Coordinator of the IGWDP. WOTR plays a central role in the
Programme's philosophy of creating self-sustaining local
organisations: it provides NGOs and village organisations
with support and training in awareness creation, social
mobilisation, and the planning, implementation and
monitoring of watershed development projects. WOTR has 29
staff covering the disciplines of social mobilisation, women's
issues, agronomy, civil engineering and computer
applications. WOTR's training approaches are tailored to
specific settings, using a combination of structured
workshops and less structured techniques such as village
meetings and exposure visits. WOTR also provides funds
(currently to a ceiling of Rs 500,000 per watershed, including
administrative costs) for the development of a small part of
each village watershed (generally 100 150 ha) on a learning
by doing' basis during the CBP. WOTR has a specialised
library containing 2,500 items which are used by its head
office and six regional offices, as well as NGOs, research
students and individuals interested in watershed management.
Its proposed future activities include: the exploration of farm-
based and other income-generating opportunities to take
advantage of the additional resources created by watershed
development; and the provision of extension advice on
environmentally sustainable and economically viable dryland
farming systems.
Procedures for the involvement of
stakeholders and preparation of watershed
development plans
Decision-taking and action at the village level involves a
combination of traditional authorities and new agencies. The
Gram Sabha the gathering of all those within a village
boundary who have voting rights has traditionally taken
decisions on matters of importance facing the village. In
many areas, it has recently been subject to party-political
pressures. Nevertheless, its role is to consider, and where
appropriate, approve the watershed development plan, and
nominate a Village Watershed Committee. The Programme
Guidelines urge that the VWC should consist of
representatives of all social groups and hamlets or other
geographical subdivisions in the village, and at least 30% of
its members should be women.
Local level planning is participatory, involving all
registered owners of land in each watershed in the
development of detailed action plans. In this way, local
knowledge is brought in. However, technical teams from
WOTR and the participating NGOs conduct the detailed
surveys and land-use planning together with the VWC. In this
way, the intention is to draw local knowledge and
preferences into a technically sound plan.
Box 4 summarises the criteria used in the selection of
watersheds and of participating villages and NGOs.
Technical issues in the design and implementation of
watershed programmes include:
- the need to cover the full area from ridge to valley,
including private land and that under the Revenue and
Forest Departments; any inclination by villagers to treat
the lower slopes first must be resisted;
- priority to be given to soil conservation and biomass
development first, and then to water harvesting measures.
Pressure often comes from farmers wishing to enhance
their irrigation resources by constructing check dams on
streams. As well as being expensive, these are potentially
inequitable. The overriding priority is to enhance percolation over the whole micro-watershed so that it acts as a large
underground reservoir. In this way, positive distributional impact
may be achieved insofar as underground flows can reach
the mid-slopes some two months ahead of the lower slopes, thereby
providing additional water to the (generally) lower
income farmers located higher up the slope;
- the Maharashtra Department of Forests has to be involved in the
planning of physical measures on land owned by the DoF,
under the provisions of GoM's scheme for Forest Management through
Involvement of Rural People (1992) part of the
national family of Joint Forest Management (JFM) agreements. Grants
are available under the Programme for such work,
and for work on any additional areas that the DoF is requested by
the people to manage. Under the GoM's scheme, the
setting up of a Forest Protection Committee is essential;
- the Programme's innovative use of Net Area Planning: in practice,
this is a substantive attempt to de-mystify' land-use
planning and make the plans produced accessible to NGOs and
villages. It is based not on contour maps and fixed norms
regarding the type and frequency of watershed development
intervention, but on detailed assessment of the characteristics
of individually numbered plots and the identification, jointly with
farmers, of appropriate interventions (Box 5).
Box 4. IGWDP selection criteria for watersheds, villages and NGOs
Criteria for the selection of watersheds include, on the technical
side:
dry and drought-prone villages having assured irrigation on no
more than 20% of net cultivated area;
villages with notable erosion, land degradation, resource
depletion or water scarcity problems;
villages in the upper part of drainage systems;
watershed size should be around 1000 ha (and not less than
500ha), with an average rainfall of around 1000mm/yr;
village boundaries should correspond as closely as possible with
those of the watershed;
cropping systems do not include long duration crops with high
water requirements, such as sugarcane.
In terms of socio-economic characteristics:
villages should be poorer than average with a high proportion
(by Maharashtra standards) of Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled
Castes;
there should not be wide disparities in the size of land
holding;
villages should preferably have shown a concern for resource
conservation, and should have a known history of coming together
for common causes.
As a condition for selection, villages must commit themselves to:
ban the felling of trees;
ban free grazing and undertake social fencing for the
protection of vegetation;
reduce any excess livestock population and maintain it within
the carrying capacity of the watershed;
ban water-intensive crops, or as a minimum, keep them to
existing levels;
make an equitable contribution of 16% of the unskilled labour
costs of the project by shramadaan (joint, voluntary labour) or
other means. Landless and poor single parent households are
exempt;
to start a Maintenance Fund for watershed development;
to take the steps necessary for achieving and maintaining a
sustainable production system;
to constitute a Village Watershed Committee and have it
registered during the implementation phase. This will be mandated to
ensure maintenance of the assets created by the project;
ban deep tubewells.
Criteria for the selection of NGOs to support village organisations
include:
their reputation and history, the extent to which they have
achieved rapport with organisations of the people and of government;
their perspective on watershed development and their technical
and managerial capability;
the length of time for which they have been active in the area;
emonstrated willingness (in the event of weak familiarity with
watershed management) to undertake exposure visits elsewhere;
to send village youth and others on specific training
programmes; to prepare and implement a demonstration project of at least
100 ha;
willingness (unless already experienced) to go through a
Capacity Building Programme and meet the qualifying criteria before
undertaking full implementation.
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Envisaged expansion pathways
The expansion path is twofold:
- 'Nodes' of approximately 1,000 ha of watershed are used as a
central demonstration which neighbouring villages come to
see, and as a potential training area once new villages form a VWC;
Some VWCs have already begun to register themselves
as NGOs, and so obtain the benefit of the funding support available
for NGOs whilst at the same time serving as a vehicle
for a type of farmer-to-farmer extension;
- the intention is that the essential features of the Maharashtra
model' be replicated as it spreads to other states. These
include: a Cabinet Resolution and various Departmental Orders
analogous to those passed in Maharashtra; the role of
NABARD in disbursing funds for agreed proposals; the role of NGOs
in supporting CBOs, and of WOTR in supporting both,
the commitments made by villagers, and the fusion of local
knowledge and technical norms in the net area planning
approach. Officials from other states (e.g. Gujurat and Andhra
Pradesh) have come to observe the approach and are
expected to take a franchise' on it, allowing it to remain the
intellectual property of the IGWDP.
Box 5. Net area land-use planning
The initial planning approach used by the Programme was based on
gross area planning in which cost norms provided by NABARD
for specific types of intervention and specific land types were
routinely applied. A major shortcoming of this approach was that it
relied on contour maps, which are inadequate to capture such features
as the extent to which individual fields have been levelled.
However, for the individual farmer, this is a crucial determinant of
what measures are necessary and acceptable. Further, Panchayat
maps showing individual land holdings and features such as streams
are often inconsistent with both contour maps and with ground
reality.
In the net area approach, developed by WOTR in consultation with
NABARD, the Social Centre and NGOs, contour maps are
not used. Instead, it relies heavily on consultation with farmers in
their own fields. The type and location of interventions agreed with
farmers are marked both on the ground (with lime) and on land holding
maps. Fields (and, often, areas within fields) are assessed
for slope, soil depth, soil texture, and erosion status. Fields are
then classified into one of eight categories by reference to a standard
chart. Computers at each of the six regional centres under the IGWDP
allow the data gathered to be multiplied by standard costs
and so converted into overall costings. The VWC and NGOs are
presented with the proposal as a whole, including maps, and a local
language copy of the principal spreadsheet, so that they can discuss
it prior to submission. The net planning approach requires a
combination of technical skills proposals are unlikely to be
financed unless technically sound and the skills, knowledge and
opinions of farmers themselves. Using funds allocated to it, the
supporting NGO in each watershed is required to hire a civil engineer
for the preparation of full proposals. These are given training by
WOTR in the net planning approach.
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Structures and issues at village level
Participating villages are required to establish both a Village
Watershed Committee and, wherever applicable, a Forest
Protection Committee. Land owned by the DoF falls within the
watershed, and so it might appear that there should logically
be only one committee. However, Joint Forest Management agreements
under the GoM specify that the DoF has to be
represented by two officers on all committees concerned with the
management of resources on DoF land. Since it would be
inappropriate for DoF officers to be represented on the Village
Watershed Committee, a Forest Protection Committee has to
be established. A further factor is that Joint Forest Management
agreements under which FPCs are to be established require
that these be tripartite between the DoF, the villagers and the
supporting NGO. By contrast, NGOs are not required to be
represented on the Village Watershed Committee beyond the initial
period.
According to GoM Resolution of 16 March 1992, NGOs may support the
FPC in implementing the GoM scheme, but will
not be eligible for any benefits. The FPC will be responsible
for:
- afforestation of denuded areas of DoF land;
- protection and maintenance of the forests;
- appointing an Executive Committee to prepare details of the scheme
and its implementation, but all policy matters have
to be finalised in the full FPC;
- managing access to the benefits of the forest in ways compatible
with GoM norms (these currently provide for 50% of the
eventual harvest of timber, access to harvested timber at
concessional rates, plus free access to specified non-timber forest
products in year 10 onwards of the life of the plantation).
The Resolution sees support from the village panchayat1 as
essential, and, with the encouragement of the Divisional Forest
Officer, the panchayat should arrange elections to the FPC and to its
Executive Committee.
The Executive Committee is responsible for determining policy for
the protection of forest, prohibiting encroachment,
helping the DoF to bring action against transgressors, and helping
the DoF to arrange distribution of produce according to
set norms. The FPC can be dissolved by the DoF (with very limited
right of appeal) if it is felt to be doing its job inadequately.
Negotiations between the Programme and the DoF over the
implementation of JFM proved to be an arduous process:
starting with the GoM Resolution of 16 March 1992, correspondence
with the Programme continued to July 1996 before broadly
satisfactory arrangements were agreed.
Conclusions
Microwatershed rehabilitation in semi-arid India not only reverses
environmental degradation: largely through improved re-
charge of groundwater, it permits a quantum shift in sustainable
agricultural productivity in the lower slopes of watersheds.
Justifiably, it has attracted major funding from government and
donors. Yet approaches to watershed planning and
implementation which are both participatory and easily replicable
have remained elusive: most exhibit one or other of these
characteristics, but not both. The experience reported here is still
in its early stages, and will need to be adapted to certain
variations in baseline conditions such as, for instance, the
continuing prevalence of pastoral livestock systems in some drier
areas. Also it is more structured and directive than some NGOs
(especially the larger, well-established ones) would wish.
Nevertheless, it represents a significant step in the search for
participatory but rapidly replicable approaches to microwatershed
rehabilitation.
Endnote
1. The elected village-level body responsible for adminstration and
for the implementation of development schemes. The
Sarpanch is the elected head of the Panchayat.
References
Lobo, C. (1996) Indo-German Watershed Development Programme:
macro-management for micro-cooperation.' Paper
presented at the DSE/ATSAF Workshop
Strategies for intersectoral water management in developing countries: challenges
and consequences for agriculture, 6-10
May 1996, Berlin, Germany.
Lobo, C. and Kochendörfer-Lucius, G. (1995) The rain decided to help
us: participatory watershed management in the State
of Maharashtra, India.' EDI Learning
Resources Series. Washington, DC: Economic Development Institute, The World Bank.
Sinha, F. and Sinha, S. (eds) (1996) From indifference to active
participation: six case studies of natural resource development
through social organisation. Gurgaon,
India: EDA Rural Systems.
ISSN: 1356-9228
©Copyright:Overseas Development Institute
Natural Resource Perspectives present accessible information on
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