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Women, Water, Sanitatio=
n and
Human Settlements – On Track or Distracted?
I. Introduction
Water, sanitation and human settlements—these CSD-12 themes form an essential part of women’= ;s lives, livelihoods and security. This paper reflects the views of the Women’s Major Group on the CSD-12 themes. It also highlights a gender-specific approach to water, sanitation and human settlements, an approach which is shared by, and is beneficial to, a broad range of stakeho= lders.
Discussi=
ons at the
global level related to women and water began at the 1977 UN Water Conferen=
ce
in Mar del Plata, continued at the 1992 International Conference on Water a=
nd
Environment in Dublin, and were consolidated into concrete actions on women=
’s
involvement in water-related decision-making and management in Chapter 18 of
Agenda 21. Principle 20 of the Rio Declaration states, “Women have a vital role in environment=
al
management and development. Their full participation is therefore essential=
to
achieve sustainable development.”
At the 2000 Millennium Summit, 1= 91 governments reaffirmed their commitment to women’s empowerment, agree= ing in the Millennium Declaration to promote gender equality and the empowermen= t of women as effective ways to combat poverty, hunger and disease and to stimul= ate development that is truly sustainable. The Millennium Development Goals (MD= Gs) related to poverty, gender equality, and improving access to water and the lives of slum-dwellers, are particularly relevant to CSD-12, setting releva= nt benchmarks and indicators. However, the MDGs will not be achieved without approaching these goals in a holistic manner that puts gender equality and human rights at the centre. To date, none of the national reports on achiev= ing the MDGs has mentioned gender equality or women’s access to natural resou= rces in relation to MDG 7— halving the proportion of people without access= to safe drinking water by 2015 and achieving significant improvement in the li= ves of at least 100 million slum-dwellers by 2020.
Article =
24 of the
Johannesburg Plan of Implementation, from the 2002 World Summit on Sustaina=
ble
Development, underlines that the implementation of MDG 7 should be
gender-sensitive. Governments also agreed to: “Mobilize international and domestic financial resources at all leve=
ls,
transfer technology, promote best practices and support capacity-building f=
or
water and sanitation infrastructure and services development, ensuring that
such infrastructure and services meet the needs of the poor and are
gender-sensitive.” The Johannesburg Plan of Implementation also
supports the participation of women in decision-making related to water
resources management and women’s right to inherit land in Africa.=
span>
Female water professionals and women groups joined forces and succe=
eded
to put women’s empowerment and gender mainstreaming on the internatio=
nal
water agenda. During the Second World Water Forum in The Hague in 2000 women
were recognized as a major groups. The 2001 International Conference on Fre=
shwater
in Bonn stated that men and women should have an equal voice in managing wa=
ter
resources, and that water management polices should distinguish water users=
by
gender to allow for equitable access.
At the 2003 3rd World Water Forum in Japan, governments
agreed to “ensure good govern=
ance
with a stronger focus on household and neighbourhood community-based approa=
ches
by addressing equity in sharing benefits, with due regard to pro-poor and
gender perspectives in water policies.” The 1994 UN Convention to
Combat Desertification commits governments to support capacity-building and
women’s full participation to combat desertification and mitigate the
effects of drought. The 1996
Habitat II meeting in Istanbul made a commitment to gender equality in human
settlements development. In
addition, global agreements related to gender equality and women’s
empowerment address the management of water resources, including the 1995
Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, the 1994 International Confere=
nce
on Population and Development in Cairo, and the Convention to Eliminate all
Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).
Thus, fo=
r more
than 25 years global UN conferences have repeatedly recognized that effecti=
ve
sustainable water resources management depends on the involvement of women =
in
decision-making and on mainstreaming gender at all levels. CSD-12 will cons=
ider
whether governments and other institutions have taken action that reflects =
the
gender dimensions of water, sanitation and human settlements. Some countrie=
s,
such as South Africa, Uganda, Kenya, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Chile and Brazi=
l,
have taken steps to integrate a gender perspective into their water managem=
ent
policies. Some global processes are supportive, while others seem to be
obstacles to achieving global benchmarks and objectives. The key question
remains: Is implementation of the global commitments related to poverty, wa=
ter,
sanitation, human settlements and gender on track, off track, or distracted=
?
This pap=
er
identifies new developments and challenges from a gender perspective. It
highlights opportunities and obstacles in regard to both water and sanitation and human
settlements, and concludes with a set of recommendations for this
year’s CSD and the sessions in years ahead. The document is illustrat=
ed
by case studies, reflecting the endurance, knowledge and strength of women =
in
different regions of the world in managing water, sanitation and human
settlements in a sustainable manner.
II. Lessons Learned on Water and Sanitation
Ø
Water
is essential for all forms of life and access to clean water is a human rig=
ht.
The right to water and housing is essential for achieving other internation=
al
development commitments in critical areas such as gender equality, sustaina=
ble
development and poverty eradication.
Ø
Women
constitute more than 50% of the world population. In many communities,
women’s survival and that of their households, depends on access to a=
nd
control of natural resources, especially water. However, limited access to =
and
control of clean water is intensifying the cycle of poverty, gender
inequalities, and water-borne diseases. And there are no indications that a
major global shift is taking place, which will transform and reverse the cy=
cle.
Ø
Women
and men have distinct responsibilities and different stakes in using and
managing water and water systems. As economic providers, caregivers, and
household managers, women ensure that their families have water for daily
lives. In most societies, wom=
en and
girls collect every litre of water for cooking, bathing, cleaning, maintain=
ing
health and hygiene, raising small livestock and growing food. All these tas=
ks
are water-intensive. Women also use water for economic activities, building=
and
repair work, crops and food processing. Generally, men are in need of water=
for
irrigation and maintaining larger livestock, and for industries. Sometimes
women’s needs are in direct conflict with those of men. And men are
usually less concerned with how and where the water women use is obtained, =
and
at what price as long as they do not share in the costs.
Ø
Women
carry out 80% of water-related work throughout the world. They are often the
managers of community water supply, have extensive knowledge and experience,
and have learned to protect water resources in order to preserve them for
future generations. And women are seldom consulted and too often ignored wh=
en
policies and plans are being drafted and projects implemented. In every reg=
ion
of the world, women’s organizations and networks have played a key ro=
le
in managing water, thus contributing to poverty eradication and sustainable
development. However, many of these organizations often lack resources and
capacity to fully implement their programmes and projects and broaden their
efforts.
Ø
Every
day rural women and children, particularly girls, walk long distances over
dangerous terrain to bring water and fuel to their families. Women often spend four to five hours per =
day
carrying heavy containers and suffer acute physical problems—a burden
that is made worse in drought-prone or polluted areas. For example, in Rajasthan, India, it is not unu=
sual
for women to walk 6 kilometres to bring water for the home. <=
/span>In some mountainous regions of East=
Africa,
women spend up to 27 percent of their caloric intake in collecting water.=
span>
Ø
Travelling
long distances from home in search of water sources increases the labour bu=
rden
for women and limits time for other activities, including income-generating
work and education. If water and fuel sources are scarce, time for girls to
attend school and study is also limited. Girls may even be forced to drop o=
ut
of school to assist in collecting water or as a result of limited facilities
and water supplies for sanitation and personal hygiene. Also, trekking
distances to access water sources or facilities places women and girls in
danger of being victims of physical violence. In India, caste-based discriminati=
on
limits access to safe and adjacent water sources to members of the upper ca=
ste,
causing social tensions and violence.
Ø
In
urban areas women and girls wait hours in line for intermittent water suppl=
ies.
This also means that many have no time for other pursuits, such as educatio=
n,
income generation, and cultural and political activities.
In Nepal, about 200 families in villages in Rama=
chaap
district have struggled with acute water shortages for the past few years. =
They
have just one source for drinking: a natural spring. Families sometimes hav=
e to
wait for hours to collect a single bucket of water. “Night and day, t=
he
spring is ever occupied by containers and people,” says Jhuma Shersth=
a, a
local woman standing in the queue. “We rely on the spring just for
drinking water. For washing, bathing and providing water to our animals, we=
go
to the faraway Khahare stream.” Source: Kathmandu Post, 2003 (in U=
NEP,
2004)
Ø
As
water is fundamental to life, water management must be democratic and
transparent, and represent the needs of the people—none more important
than women. However, only a few women are in positions of power when it com=
es
to decision-making on water resources. Although the principles of Integrated
Water Resources Management (IWRM) include a gender perspective, women conti=
nue
to be ignored in polices, projects and institutions dealing with water
resources management. Women’s participation, especially that of poor
women and indigenous women, in water-related decision-making is limited, and
water governance does not take into account gender-differentiated
responsibilities and needs related to water. Current methods of managing
resources are gender-blind and reinforce stereotypical roles and social nor=
ms,
directing technical and financial control to the male community members. Th=
ere
is also a need to involve men in safe water provisions, in order to change
these stereotypes. Moreover, including a gender perspective in water resour=
ce
management has been proven to be cost-effective.
A study from Chile in 2000 showed that the
governmental institutions working on water resources have a very low percen=
tage
of women at the devisor and planning levels. This percentage rises just a
little at the technical and professional levels. The number of women that
annually get the university hydraulics civil engineer degree is very limite=
d.
Over the past two years the Dirección General de Aguas, the governme=
ntal
regulatory agency concerned with water resource management, has started to
develop educational programs about resources management for school children,
headed by a team of women (civil engineers and geographers). In this area it
seems that the gender participation and commitment is very high and strong,
promoting a new water culture, based on sharing and conflict resolution. Source:
Source: María Angélica Alegria, 2002. [1]
Ø
Caste-
and class-based discrimination and resultant violence is seen in large part=
s of
India and elsewhere in the world. Access to adjacent and safe water sources=
is
limited to members of the upper caste or class and other women have to trav=
el
long distances for the same. These situations result in social tension and =
violence.
Ø
Low-income
women facing time constraints are sometimes forced to accept lower quality
water—often ground water that is not clean enough for consumption.
Polluted and contaminated water directly threatens family health and wellne=
ss,
whereas the awareness level of women regarding contamination of water is of=
ten
poor. In Bangladesh, well wat=
er is
poisoned by arsenic; in India, fluoride content=
is
causing the debilitating disease Fluorosis; and in areas where
privatization has increased the cost of water, women cannot afford clean wa=
ter
and must rely on disease-ridden sources. As women are the primary water
managers at the local level, they are more likely to be exposed to water-bo=
rne
diseases, especially when their awareness level regarding contaminated wate=
r is
poor. Just as 90% of all illnesses are transmitted by contaminated water, 7=
0%
of the world’s blind are women who have been infected by the water-bo=
rne
disease trachoma, either through direct contact with infected water or thro=
ugh
their children. Unfortunately, the majority of resources are allocated towa=
rd
curing water-related illnesses, instead of preventative measures such as
adequate sanitation and hygiene education.
Ø
Women
are also the primary caretakers for family members who are ill, and the imp=
act
of HIV/AIDS has been particularly devastating in this regard. In addition to
higher numbers of women being infected, the HIV/AIDS epidemic puts an extra
work burden on women’s shoulders, including care for infected family
members, time taken away from income-generating activities and education, a=
nd
the need for increased amounts of water.
Ø
Saline
water ingression and resultant brackishness of drinking water tube wells is=
a
major concern in many coastal zones, such as coastal India. This forces the
local communities to go for unsafe drinking water in shallow tube wells, wh=
ich
are often contaminated.
Ø
Women
face a disproportionate amount of economic and social losses from floods, d=
am
construction and water pollution. In Bangladesh, women’s normal
responsibilities increase during the flood season. The rising number of
female-headed households is particularly important because of economic and
social marginalisation, as well as limited access to flood relief and
rehabilitation. Many of these women resort to a pattern of emergency borrow=
ing
or selling of assets, such as jewelry and utensils. Women tend to be at gre=
ater
risk than men of long-term economic loss, because of the societal devaluati=
on
of their assets.
The International Fund for Agric= ultural Development has highlighted the fact that women head an increasing number of rural households—already one out of four—in the developing worl= d. In Sub Saharan Africa this is as high as one household in three. These women are put in the position of farming the land and providing for their families alone, without the benefit of legal rights to land and water. Source: Alegria 2004; GWA, 2003 [2]= a>
Ø
When
water becomes scarce, one of the coping strategies employed by women is buy=
ing
water from vendors. This does=
not
guarantee quality, and high prices contribute to a class division in
affordability of such resources. This puts an extra stress on low-income wo=
men.
On the outskirts of Cairo, which is not serviced=
by
the public system, the government allows private distribution of water. Ven=
dors
sell water at prices five to ten times higher than the government utilities
charge, and it is delivered in unhygienic tankers. Source: Samia Galal S=
aad,
Alexandria University
Ø
The
environmental and human implications of water scarcity have not received en=
ough
attention. As a result, wetlands, floodplains, and coastal ecosystems are in
danger of irreversible degradation, and this reality comes with gender-rela=
ted
consequences. It is poor families who draw most heavily on ‘common
property’ resources, like forests, rangelands, water bodies and
land-locked fishing sources. Women suffer disproportionately when such
resources are degraded. Conservation of water ecosystems is critical for the
improvement of women’s access to clean water, and for the survival of
poor families and communities.
Ø
In
many cases access to water is linked to land rights – which are embed=
ded
in either national law and/or customary and religious laws, and in many par=
ts
of the world women’s right to own or inherit land is prohibited. While women perform the majority of the world’s agricultural
work, they often do not have secure land tenure. Extremely complicated land records=
and
ownership related procedures are a major deterrent. If women do have access=
to
land, the plot is often poor quality soil or does not provide sufficient ac=
cess
to irrigation. Because land is used as collateral to obtain credit, many women are
barred from financial independence. Although the Convention to Eliminate all
forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) has been ratified by a large
majority of the world’s governments, broader implementation of the
Convention with regard to natural resources is needed. Tanzania and Nepal h=
ave
successfully used CEDAW to expand constitutional guarantees of equality to
access land and other natural resources.&n=
bsp;
These approaches could be adopted in other countries.
Carmen Deere and Magdalena Leon conducted a stud=
y in
1998 on the gender impacts of land and water rights from the land reforms of
1960s and 1970s to the neo-liberal counter reforms of the 1990s in nine
countries of Latin America. The study showed that despite the salutary effe=
ct
of the reforms on land redistribution and rural poverty, they served to
accentuate women’s economic dependency and marginalisation. The
requirements that beneficiaries be heads of households (generally male), and
permanent agricultural workers (again mostly male), exclude most women from
land ownership. As water in Latin America is mostly tied to land ownership =
or legally
recognized community ownership, women thereby lost any legal claim to water=
and
their stake in its management. Source: Alegria/GWA, 2004
Ø
Water
scarcity is increasingly becoming a trigger for military conflict, notably =
in
the Middle East and Mexican Valley.[3]
The growing number of conflicts and wars leads to increasing numbers of
displaced people and refugees, the majority of who are women and children. =
The
loss of land and water sources causes even more insecurity among refugees, =
and
puts an extra burden on women. Securing access to land and safe water are m=
ajor
challenges for the resettlement of women refugees and their families.
Ø
Few
development issues demonstrate the gender divide in human society more
graphically than sanitation. As the traditional water managers and custodia=
ns
of family health, women shoulder a huge burden in coping with the lack of b=
asic
sanitation services. The lack of sanitation facilities has significantly
different impacts on women and men. In rural areas, due to deforestation and
the expansion of cultivation, women must wake up even earlier in the mornin=
g to
attend to their needs. Similar societal pressures for privacy do not put the
same onus on men. Because of the absence of clean and private sanitation
facilities in schools, ten percent of school-age girls in Africa do not att=
end
school during menstruation. There is also a violence dimension to this: in =
both
urban and rural areas, women and girls have been raped and assaulted when
attempting to go out to defecate in the dark in insecure places far from th=
eir
homes. The lack of easy access to sanitation facilities is also an important
cause for the high prevalence of urinary tract infections in women and girl=
s.
Proper sanitation facilities are a top priority for women and girls.
Ø
In
every corner of the globe, women have proved to be strong advocates for the=
ir
own concerns regarding water. Human rights advocates recognize access to and
control of water as a critical component of gender equality and women’=
;s
empowerment, as well as environmental security and poverty eradication. Wom=
en
have protested the lack of water services from the Ukraine to Bolivia to the
United States. They have organized for water conservation, from the Chipko
movement in the North Indian Himalaya to the Narmada Bachao Andolan movemen=
t in
India protesting the Narmada dam, and many others in Indonesia, Burkina Fas=
o,
and Kenya. New international
networks like the Gender and Water Alliance have been formed to collect and
exchange information and strengthen technical capacity on gender, water and
sanitation. The cases in this paper are an illustration of some of those
efforts.
III. Lessons Learned on Human Settlements
Ø
Human
settlements are the physical spaces where women, their families and their c=
ommunities
live and work. Women’s aspirations for themselves and the lives of th=
eir
children, families, neighbourhoods and communities are articulated in terms=
of
changes they would like to see in their settlements—whether these cha=
nges
are in the form of secure housing, food security, healthcare facilities,
schools, safe transport, childcare, clean water supply or sanitation.
Women’s restricted mobility and gender roles also mean that they need=
to
find work close to their homes.
&=
Oslash; =
Most wome=
n do not
own the homes they live in or the lands they work on. Inheritance and prope=
rty
rights (both legal and customary) work in favour of men. This leaves women
vulnerable in times of conflict, and it means that they have little say in
decisions to invest in or divest from household assets. On the other hand w=
hen
women have access and control over economic assets it provides them leverag=
e in
household and community decision-making processes.
Swayam Shikshan Prayog=
in
India has facilitated the formation of over 1000 women’s savings and
credit groups who have mobilized their own savings to provide loans for one
another. These groups are organized into federations that have the ability =
to
leverage bulk loans from banks. In addition to the benefits of having access
and control over a financial resource base, savings and credit groups are a=
lso
the unit through which women start organizing to address development issues=
in
their settlements such as such as access to electricity, water supply,
healthcare, schools, etc. Source: www.groots.org
&=
Oslash; =
WomenR=
17;s
safety in settlements is a serious concern for women. The possibility of
violence and crime, particularly in times of ethnic tension and conflict
severely constrain women’s mobility.
In Montreal the Women’s Urban
Safety Action Committee (CAFSU), a partnership comprising grassroots women,
city planners and local authorities and researchers, came together to creat=
e a
women-friendly transport system where women feel safe using public transpor=
t at
night. Source: www.groots.org
&=
Oslash; =
In additi=
on women
with children need access to child-friendly spaces for education, childcare=
and
recreation. Mother Centres in Germany, Czech Republic, Bosnia and Slovenia =
are
where grassroots women have located or built spaces in which women with
families can meet and address questions of family policy.
&=
Oslash; =
The roles=
that
society ascribes to men and women mean that men and women use their living =
and
working environments in very different ways—yet women and their needs=
are
frequently excluded from decision making processes at community, local
government and national government levels.
<= o:p>
Groots Kenya is a network of gra=
ssroots
women’s organizations in Kenya where women have organized community
safety nets to provide home-based care to people living with HIV/AIDS, to t=
ake
care of orphans and elderly, to assist community members access medical cen=
tres
and to provide food to the sick and their families. In the absence of any
institutional support for such work, women have been mobilizing their own
meagre resources to support these efforts. Source: www.groots.org
&=
Oslash; =
Women als=
o bear
the brunt of destruction wrought by disasters. Usually, women are the ones =
who
play a central role in the processes of recovery of their communities and t=
he
reconstruction of their settlements.
&=
Oslash; =
In post-d=
isaster
experiences in India and Turkey, it is evident that investing in women̵=
7;s
leadership in times of crises has accelerated community reconstruction and
recovery processes and reconfigured the power relationships among women,
communities and government. This transformation has had a long-term impact =
in
strengthening women’s participation in development processes.[6=
]
&=
Oslash; =
For women=
to most
effectively participate in decision-making processes they need to be presen=
t in
larger numbers (at least 30%)[7=
]
and they require information and the support of organized women’s gro=
ups
to identify and articulate gender interests to build confidence so that they
are effective and accountable in public positions. This is particularly
critical for increasing poor women’s political participation.
In Uganda the Women=
217;s
Caucus worked to keep women members of the National Parliament informed of
women’s priorities and how they could intervene in official debates.
Forum for Women in Democracy (FOWODE) in Uganda has also been involved in
training women on doing gender analysis of budgets allocated at local and
national levels. Source: www.groots.org
The esse=
ntial role
that urban women play in urban development and social organization needs
constant attention. Important drivers are international organisations such =
as
Groots, the international network of Grassroots Organisations Operating
Together in Sisterhood, supporting communities in urban and rural settings.=
The
Huairou Commission advocates for a gender perspective at international leve=
ls,
for example during global Habitat meetings. Engendering Local Agenda 21
processes, such as promoted by the NGO REDEH in Brazil, is also a powerful
strategy to bring a gender perspective into urban development. Sources: <=
/i>=
www.groots.org=
i>; <=
span
lang=3DEN-GB style=3D'font-size:10.5pt'>www.huairou.org<=
/i>
Governments should support grassroots women’s initiatives in th=
ree
ways:
(1)
Resources, for grassroots women’s
collectives for their learning processes and learning exchanges.
(2)
Visibility and opportunities for womenR=
17;s
initiatives to engage with mainstream institutions.
(3)
Policy support that encourages grassroots
women’s participation in shaping policies that impact their well-bein=
g.
IV. Trends and Developments: Challenges ahead
&nb=
sp;
This section describes major tre= nds and developments in the field of gender, water, sanitation and human settlement= s. In the context of new perspectives and commitments in the field of sustaina= ble and equitable development, globalisation, environmental change and growing insecurity, the following trends have a major impact on women’s relat= ionship to water, sanitation and human settlements.
The righ=
t to water
is clearly established under international human rights law: all people have
the right of access to the amount of water required to sustain life and ful=
fil
basic needs.[8] In 2002 the Committee =
on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in Geneva, recognized water as human
right: “The human right to water is indispensable for leading a life =
in
human dignity…the right to water entitles everyone to sufficient, saf=
e,
acceptable, physically accessible water for personal and domestic uses.R=
21;
(General Comment no.15) In the same comment the commission mentions that pe=
ople
may not “be deprived of its means of subsistence.”
The right to water has been iden= tified as a component of the right to housing, the right to the highest attainable standard of health, and the right to food under the International Covenant = on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), the world’s most impor= tant social and economic rights treaty.[9] Human rights standards are applicable to governments (and other actors) no matter how they arrange water services. These standards include the require= ment that drinking water be available and accessible without discrimination.
In South=
Africa a
minimum amount of water is made available free of charge to all citizens. T=
he
relatively affluent tax income base of the country facilitates this measure.
This shows also that there is a need for progressive water tariffs, and
subsidies for connection fees etc. in order to guarantee access to a minimum
amount of affordable water, particularly for the poor.
Presentl=
y there is
mainly a competition-based approach to Integrated Water Resources Management
(IWRM), where ministers and more powerful stakeholders lobby for water righ=
ts.
The competitive approach tends to focus on issues of legal water rights, of=
ten
associated with land rights. With most land owned by men, water rights
accordingly are awarded to men and not to women.
Water access for the people of Zaragosa Island i=
n the
Philippines, depends on the ebb of the tide. At high tide, a group of mostly
women and children paddle their small boats to a single communal faucet on =
the
mainland provided by the municipal government. They collect water in plastic
containers, bathe and do laundry. Many spend two hours per day paddling back
and forth, on top of considerable time waiting for their turn at the tap. T=
here
are communal faucets on the island, but they do not operate well. Scenes li=
ke
this repeat themselves across the Philippines. That is why the recently
concluded National Rural Women’s Congress, attended by 280 participan=
ts
from rural women’s organizations, called for increased access to water
services as a human right. It asked the government to prioritise public spe=
nding
on basic social services, over national debt appropriation, which consumes =
48
percent of the national budget. Source: Agnes Balota, Tambuyog Developme=
nt
Center =
Priva= tisation of water resources
The effects of globalisation are increasingly uneven, and have a clear gender dimension. Privatisation is one aspect of the world’s water crisis that is having a deeply negative impact on the livelihoods of women. Increasingly, water resources managemen= t in countries across the globe is being determined by policies of the internati= onal financial and trade institutions—the World Bank, International Moneta= ry Fund (IMF), and World Trade Organization (WTO). Privatisation has been instigated through structural adjustment programmes, debt loan conditions, poverty reduction strategies, international development assistance, and ‘trade-related’ policies under regional trade agreements such as the North America Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Free Trade Area of t= he Americas (FTAA) negotiations.
Providing basic human services is increasingly difficult for countries crippled by debt and restricted by structural adjustment policies that prioritise loan repayment over social spending. As governments relinquish control of domestic water systems under pressure from international institutions and regional banks and trade agreements, transnational corporations (TNCs) are gaining unprecedented acc= ess to national and local water supplies.
The global trend towards privati= sation of what have traditionally been public services has reduced the democratic involvement of both citizens and governments in water management decisions.= [10] Governments tend to lose internal skills and expertise, while the concentra= tion of power in the hands of a single corporation and the inability of governme= nts to reclaim management of water services allow corporations to impose their interests on governments. As water becomes profit-driven, water resources management lacks commitment to expanded access to low-income consumers, resulting in service cut-offs, weak regularly oversight, lack of accountabi= lity to local consumer needs, and inequitable quality of services based on the ability to pay (willingness-to-pay is something else as the ability-to-pay, c.q. affordability).
The privatisation of water, and = indeed all other natural resources, is increasingly infringing on people’s rights and livelihoods around the world, most severely on poor women and girls. Wa= ter privatisation perpetuates gender inequalities by relying on traditional gen= der roles that have made women and girls responsible for and the main suppliers= of water to their families and households. Women are disproportionately experiencing the burdens of privatisation policies in the form of astronomi= cal price hikes, water cut-offs, deteriorating water quality, and health and sanitation hazards. Overall the choices that poor women must make are not t= aken into account.
Women have been central in the s= truggle against the sale of public water services to transnational corporations, e.= g. in Cochabamba (Bolivia), Atlanta (USA) and Dar es Salaam (Tanzania) (see al= so the case below). Recognizing the human right to water, they claim that governments should keep their responsibility for public services and common resources, guaranteeing safe access to clean and affordable water resources, particularly for the poor and women.
In the region of Maldon=
ado in
Uruguay, water service was not a problem until it was privatised in a proce=
ss
that faced popular resistance, lacked any formal public consultation, and
followed a policy shaped by agreements with international financial
institutions. In the poorer areas, neighbourhood organizations fought to de=
fend
community standpipes. The standpipes were installed in different zones arou=
nd
the country by the public water and sanitation ministry to assure that pota=
ble
water was available in areas that lacked piped services to households. When=
the
private companies stepped in, their first move was to eliminate the standpi=
pes,
a strategy designed to make people pay high fees for a household connection.
Citizens unable to pay would lose water access.
The neighbourhood comm=
ission
of the San Antonio district, run primarily by women, successfully lobbied l=
ocal
authorities to maintain the community tap. Now the neighbourhood standpipe =
not
only supplies water to families there, but also to neighbours from other
districts where standpipes have been removed or household water connections=
cut
off due to the inability to pay the high water rates. A lack of resources,
however, means the service quality has been very low. Source: Juan Berha=
u,
FFOSE, and Carlos Santos, REDES
Women are
extremely vulnerable to environmental change, including climate change.
Increasingly the availability of water resources is fluctuating and becoming
unpredictable—too much (flooding) or a lack of water (droughts) in
certain periods. Extreme weather conditions increase the burden of water
collection, and threaten women’s livelihoods and lives. The expected
changes in biodiversity, will affect women disproportionately because of th=
eir
roles in agricultural production and resources collection and management.
Moreover women, because of their disadvantaged starting position and prevai=
ling
gender disparities, need more time to rebuild and restore their
livelihoods.
There ar=
e many
casualties among women in disasters. Particularly if women do not receive
timely warnings or other information about hazards and risks or if their
mobility is restricted or otherwise affected due to cultural and social
constraints. Case studies indicate that women are very often highly affecte=
d by
hazardous conditions and resulting disasters. Often they face increased fam=
ily
and community work, loss of working space and tools, intensified care-giving
responsibilities, and heightened risk of domestic and sexual violence.
Women’s work expands greatly during disasters (of whatever size), and
their access to resources—particularly land and water—for survi=
val
and recovery is constrained.
Women wh=
o regularly
cope with all kinds of ‘daily’ disasters develop local strategi=
es
for reducing risk and responding to natural disasters. They play an importa=
nt
role in disaster prevention, preparedness and response in communities and
households, but are often marginalized by agencies and organizations. It is
often the case that disaster recovery efforts do not recognize women’s
capabilities, and can in fact reinforce or exacerbate existing gender and o=
ther
social inequalities.
A gender=
approach
is still lacking in climate change debates and research. The lessons learned
from disaster prevention and mitigation, show however, that a gender
perspective is imperative in understanding and coping with the consequences=
of
environmental change in general, and climate change (and related changes in
water cycles) in particular. &n=
bsp;
In Egypt, an innovative partnership has been cre=
ated
in Alexandria between women’s health and environmental management and
will soon integrate emergency management, leading to the training of traine=
rs.
Girls are trained as ‘environmental promoters’, and thus empowe=
red
in the unconventional area of environmental health.
In=
Nepal,
the Participatory Disaster Management Programme begins by convening separate
gender groups to discuss the different needs and priorities of women and me=
n,
before a joint executive committee meets to refine and endorse their input.=
In
many groups, women are active in greater numbers than men and thus
women’s participation in risk reduction has increased. Furthermore, w=
omen
are leading mixed-sex groups, thus demonstrating their empowerment through =
the
programme.
Women=
as Agents
of Change
Women th=
roughout
the world are mobilizing and demanding that their voices be heard. Their
actions from the local village to the global policy-making arenas are a dri=
ving
force for change and transformation. Women are advocating at the local,
national and global levels to demand a human rights approach to water and o=
ther
natural resources that are necessary for human survival.
From the=
1975 UN
International Year of Women, through the Decade on Women (1976-1985) and the
global conferences and summits of the 1990s, women participated actively to
shape economic, social, political and sustainable development, by getting t=
he
facts, strategizing, demanding accountability, lobbying, networking and
building coalitions. Many are active leaders in the struggle for safe,
affordable and accessible drinking water.
At the S=
econd
World Water Forum in the Hague in 2000 the efforts made by women groups in
joining forces in the water-gender sustainability lobby resulted in the
foundation of the Gender and Water Alliance (www.genderandwateralliance.=
org).
The Women’s Environment and Development Organisation (WEDO) is also
active in promoting a gender equality perspective in policies relating to
access to water.
Internat=
ional
alliances between women, environmentalists, human rights activists and
professionals in the water and sanitation sector are yielding quantifiable
results for sustainable management of water resources. Global networks of
organizations working in partnership to bring the
water-gender-poverty-sustainable development nexus into practice, have built
global synergy for the inclusion of gender as a cross-cutting issue in IWRM.
The following are examples of the efforts of women’s organizations in
this area.
In 1991, following the Chernobyl nuclear disaste=
r, a
proactive group of young mothers established MAMA-86 as a Kiev city public
organization. Today, MAMA-86 has blossomed into a national environmental NGO
network of 17 organizations from various regions of Ukraine, and is an acti=
ve
partner in Women in Europe for a Common Future (WECF).
In Ukraine the water situation is critical. MAMA=
-86
kicked off its Drinking Water in Ukraine campaign in 1997, together with 11
organizations from its network. An early initiative addressed the lack of
information disclosure in the country by carrying out regular information
gathering and independent research on drinking water quality and public opi=
nion
on the issue. Since 2001, MAMA-86 has been implementing a programme of
technical solutions for improving access to safe drinking water in urban and
rural areas. A broad public information and education campaign was also
launched, disseminating information through all available channels, includi=
ng
radio and TV. The main objectives of the MAMA-86 water campaign are to prot=
ect
the drinking water sources in the country through new approaches such as
eco-sanitation and organic agriculture, public, lobbying and the developmen=
t of
pilot projects run by local communities. Source: Anna Tsvetkova, Mama-86=
Women follow a strict form of purdah in Hoto vil=
lage,
Baluchistan in Pakistan. In 1994, a Participatory Action Research team went=
to
Hoto to help improve its water management problems. For a year, the men wou=
ld
not give permission to the team to meet the women. Eventually, the women we=
re
able to participate in a joint meeting to develop strategies to solve the
drinking water problem. The men suggested extending the distribution pipes =
of
an old government water supply scheme to all the households in the unserved
area. The women put up a counter-proposal to build a new water tank on unus=
ed
land, which would provide water to the non-functioning public standpipes. T=
he
community adopted the women’s solution, which was far more cost-effec=
tive.
This marked a major change in the village. Now t=
he
women have become active participants in decision-making, and significant
changes have been made in their lives, such as hygiene education. Most
significant has been the demand for education for their daughters: in 1998 a
new girls school was opened in Hoto. Traditional leaders have been impresse=
d by
the results of the project. The same approach is taken to other villages
now. Source: Alegria/GWA, =
2004
In 1995, the Nhouonda’s community water
management system in Cameroon was close to breaking down. The male-dominated
village management committee was not functioning and the village women refu=
sed
to pay their monthly contributions. An external team of experts that came to
assist the community encouraged the women of the village to participate in =
the
problem-solving.
As a result, new pipes were bought, old, leaky o=
nes
were replaced, and broken taps were repaired. Some people were elected to
collect monthly contributions for maintenance. All the women living around a
standpipe organised to clean it regularly. At a later meeting, when the men
insinuated that they would not cooperate with some of the decisions taken by
the women, the women openly said that they had ways to sanction the men: th=
ey would
refuse give them food. A young man expressed fear of women knowing too much,
which could lead to divorces in the village. A woman stood up and challenged
him, saying there had been divorces before. This led to a major debate betw=
een
women and men on community based issues.&n=
bsp;
A youth association is now also taking more assertive action in the
community’s water management. Source: Alegria/GWA, 2004
The
Canaveralejo River, which supplies water to the 3,800 inhabitants of the to=
wn
of La Serena in Colombia, was highly contaminated. In 1995 the women of the
community struggled to secure leadership positions in the Community Action
Board. Eventually, supported by some dedicated men, they succeeded. “=
At
the beginning it was tough,” recalls resident Fabiola Gomez. “A=
ll
organisations were run by men, and when women wanted to participate we had =
to
impose ourselves by force. It was a hard task, but we let them see that we =
were
also able enough, and we did better than men.” Once the women were in
leadership positions a treatment plant was finally constructed. Since then
there have been many improvements. “For instance, diarrhoea and other
children’s skin diseases have been reduced,” said resident Dona
Fabiola. When cholera broke out in the Cali, La Serena was spared.
The
women went on to play prominent roles in community development. Collective
participation led to improvements in the power supply, paving of the street=
s,
collecting of refuse, construction of a school and a health centre. Sour=
ce:
Alegria/GWA, 2004
Since
the Second World Water Forum in 2000 at The Hague, Women in Europe for a Co=
mmon
Future (WECF), the Netherlands Council of Women and a growing number of
national and international partners have come together to work on water,
sustainable development and gender. In partnership they have formed the Wom=
en
for Water Initiative, which focuses on the full and equal participation of
women in integrated water management. The Women for Water Initiative has now
emerged as a full-fledged partnership of existing local women’s groups
and carriers of community development. The initiative stimulates women to a=
ct
locally and to join forces globally.
Recent activities include gathering and dissemin=
ating
information, brokering, up-scaling of successful activities, joint project
development by local partners, the development of indicators for success and
failure, and the promotion of Gender-Responsive Budgeting in the water and
sanitation sector. A toolkit has been developed that includes good practice=
s of
partnerships and twinning between women’s groups in the Netherlands a=
nd
their partners in developing countries. In years to come, this approach is
envisaged to result in the replication and up-scaling of other local
partnerships. Source: Alice Bouman-Dentener, WECF, 2004
V. Recommendations
(a) H=
uman
Rights approach:
Access to water is a basic human right that is essential
for achieving gender equality, sustainable development and poverty alleviat=
ion.
Governments are ultimately responsible for the provisio=
n of
basic human needs, including adequate water and sanitation to women and the=
ir
families.
Ratif=
y the
Convention to Eliminate all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW),
remove reservations and ensure its implementation to the fullest.
Recog=
nize the
polluting of water and environmental resources in war and conflict situatio=
ns
as a crime against humanity.
(b) W=
omen’s
access to and control of water and land:
Ensure women’s access to and ownership of =
land.
Recognize that women’s access to water is
directly related to access to land and eliminate constitutional and legal
barriers that bar women from owning or inheriting land.
Local governments should support the protection of water
resources from pollution and make available appropriate affordable, locally=
-owned
technologies, which support community efforts, particularly for women.
Promote effective
decentralization by transferring responsibilities and resources from the
central government to the local government as service delivery and manageme=
nt
is the responsibility of local governments.
Central governments shou=
ld
focus on creating an enabling environment through regulations and tariffs
favoring pro-poor and equitable service delivery.
A focus on gender is of particular importance with regard to sanita=
tion
facilities, as the availability of water and sanitary facilities in schools=
can
enable girls to get an education, and the location of water points and latr=
ines
close to the home can reduce violence against women.
The success and effective use of sanitation facilities will depend =
on
the involvement of both women and men in selecting the location and technol=
ogy
of such facilities. Women are also crucial in instilling behavioural norms =
in
young children, including those relating to hygiene.
National governments should ensure that sanitation poli=
cies
are gender sensitive, by enabling the participation of women in the policy
framework process. Gender provisions should address both practical and
strategic needs.
(d) G=
ender mainstreaming:
All water and sanitation institutions should ado=
pt and
implement a gender equity policy to ensure gender mainstreaming in policies,
programmes, budgets and projects. This should also include gender-sensitive
monitoring and evaluation systems.
Ensure that national sanitation policies are gen=
der
sensitive, by enabling the participation of women in the policy framework
process. Gender provisions should address both practical and strategic need=
s.
Develop and use gender mainstreaming tools at the
institutional level, including: sex-disaggregated data, gender analysis, ge=
nder
balance, gender review process for country reports, gender budget initiativ=
es,
and gender-sensitive indicators (particularly indicators that cross multiple
themes for achievement of the MDGs and Johannesburg Plan of Implementation)=
.
Gender Responsive Budgeting Initiatives (GRBI) m=
ust be
used in Integrated Water Resources Management to ensure accountability to
commitments on gender equity, poverty eradication, sustainable development =
and
rights-based governance.
Institute gender training and awareness raising =
with
all staff within water institutions. Training materials about gender and
poverty should be developed and targeted to senior managers and staff in
national ministries and water utility boards, to municipal councillors and
staff, to engineers, and engineering colleges, to finance and planning
departments, as well as personnel in operations and maintenance.
Develop a set of global criteria for scaling-up =
gender
equity and social justice for the poor in the various water sub-sectors. Th=
ese
should be integrated in the national MDG-reports.
(e) P=
romoting
women’s participation and empowerment:
Water management must be democratic and transparent, and
represent the needs of the people, especially women. As the primary collect=
ors
of water throughout the world, women must be recognized as major stakeholde=
rs
in the decision-making process.
Gover=
nments
must consult with stakeholders at all levels of decision and policy making,=
and
establish and strengthen mechanisms to facilitate the participation of all
stakeholders, particularly poor women, indigenous peoples, and other
disadvantaged groups defined by race, ethnicity, economic status, age, and
religion.
Promo=
te equal
representation of women (50%) in the water sector at all levels.=
Activities that promote women's equal participation are critical, due to the
historical disadvantage faced by women.
Partnerships between governments, NGOs and donors
should be formalized and core funding should be made available for women
NGO’s and CBO’s to facilitate their meaningful contribution in =
all
critical phases of policy and project design and implementation.
Allocate resources to women’s organization=
s for
projects related to water, sanitation, and human settlements, including wat=
er
resources management, capacity development, and training for women in
water-related professions.
(f) P=
rivate
sector involvement in water resources management:
Water must be identified primarily as a public good and
human right and not simply as a commodity to be traded in the open market. =
As a
public good, water must be managed for social needs and environmental
sustainability rather than for short-term profit.
.
Recognize the specific impact=
that
privatisation of goods and services like water has on the livelihoods of wo=
men,
particularly poor women.
Shifting responsibility from governments to large priva=
te
corporations is problematic, as profits often supersede human needs and rig=
hts.
Policies that favour privatization of public services remain largely
unaccountable to the people they are supposed to benefit.
Require
the private sector to publicly disclose details of their operations related=
to
water, including information on turnover, profit, number of service delivery
sites, average cost, capital expenditure, transaction with parent company a=
nd
outstanding debts.
(g) Resource mobilization:=
Funds and other resources should be allocated to civil
society organizations, particularly those focused on women, recognizing that
women are full partners and not a recipient target group for water and
sanitation projects to increase the capacity enhancement and development of
poor women and girls, and to women's organizations based on their own
priorities.
Solic=
it,
validate, and remunerate the expertise, priorities and solutions of grassro=
ots
women’s groups. Resource these organizations to enrich, expand and
consolidate their knowledge and skill base.
Use i=
nstitutional
expertise, resources and contacts to provide back-up support to grassroots
initiatives. And enable scaling-up of grassroots practices
Open = up existing and create new channels for grassroots expertise to enter decision making on all levels of policy making, political administration as well as = in civil society, like media, foundations, banks and education institutions. <= o:p>
Suppo=
rt
initiatives by local institutions in partnering with grassroots women’=
;s
groups as a way of building institutional capacity.
Ensur=
e that
resources and information are put in the hands of grassroots women’s
groups.
Provi=
de
resources and an enabling policy environment for grassroots women to field-=
test
strategies learned through peer learning processes.
Enable
grassroots women to develop their own criteria to evaluate success.
.
Acknowledgements
This pap=
er was
developed through a worldwide consultation of women’s organisations,
facilitated by the Women’s Environment and Development Organisation
(WEDO). Specific contributions were provided by the Gender and Water Allian=
ce
(GWA), Women in Europe for a Common Future (WECF), the Huairou Commission,
Groots-International, Oxfam, the Netherlands Council of Women, and several
individuals.
[1] Alegria, Marie-Angelica, 2002. Water Resources Manag=
ement
in Chile: Gender Participation.
Presented at: Women=
217;s
Worlds 2002: the 8th Annual Interdisciplinary Congress on Women,
Gendered Worlds: Gains and Challenges, Kampala, Uganda.
[2] GWA (Gender and Water Alliance). The Gender and Water Development Report 2003: Gender Perspectives on Policies in the Water Sector. http://www.genderandwateralliance.org/reports/GWA%20Annual%20Report.pdf
[3] Barl= ow, Maude and Clarke, Tony. Blue Gold: the Fight to Stop the Corporate Theft of= the World’s Water. The New Press. New York. 2002. Page 76.
[4] World Bank (2002) HIV/AIDS and Gender Equality. Gender and Development Briefing Notes, World Bank www.worldbank= .org\gender.
[5] Bayl= ies, C. (2002) The Impact of Aids on Rural Households in Africa: A shock like any other? Development and Change 33(4): 611-632.
[6] See =
www.sspindia.org for more details on =
Swayam
Shikshan Prayog’s experiences in post-disaster reconstruction in
Maharashtra and Gujarat. For more on the experiences of Foundation for the
Support of Women’s Work in Turkey, see Ackar, S. (2001) Grassroots
Women’s Collectives’ Roles in Post-Disaster Effort: Potential f=
or
Sustainable Partnership and Good Governance. (Lessons learned from the Marm=
ara
Earthquake in Turkey.) prepared for the UN-DAW, ISDR Expert Group Meeting on
“Environmental management and the mitigation of natural disasters: a
gender perspective” 6-9 November, Ankara, Turkey.
[7] Women’s Environment and Development Organization (2001). Getting the Balance Right: Strategies for Change. www.wedo.org.
[8] UNIF=
EM.
“Promoting and Protecting Women’s Right to Water in the Context=
of
Globalization and Feminized Poverty.” New York. Page 7. www.unifem.org.
[9] I= bid.
[10] Yar= on, Gil. “The Final Frontier: A Working Paper on the Big 10 Global Water Corporations and the Privatization and Corporation of the World’s Last Public Resource.” Polaris Institute. 2000. Page 3. www.polarisinstitute.org.